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Polachek and Xiang (2015) investigate the correlation of women’s incentives for lifetime labour force participation with the gender pay gap across countries. The results show a positive relation of the gender pay gap with the fertility rate, the age gap between husband and wife at the first marriage and the top marginal tax rate.

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Bargain et al. (2016) examine the national minimum wages introduced in Ireland in 2000 and in the UK in 1999 and their effects on the gender pay gap. The results of their study indicate a narrowing of the gender pay gap in Ireland and hardly any effect in Britain.

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Cortés and Pan (2016) analyse the existence of a causal link between the persistent gender pay gap among highly educated workers and the demand for long working hours in particular occupations. By using the immigrant flows across U.S. cities, the authors proxy for changes in the costs of outsourcing household services, which consequently should affect womens’ supply of working hours.

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A recently published overview article of O’Reilly et al. (2015) discusses research on the gender pay gap of the last forty years. The paper tackles the question on how trends in the gender pay gap reflects changing inequalities of the market power of different groups and stakeholders in several European countries and Australia. The authors conclude that closing the gender gap will need its time and a joint effort of various actors.

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Olivetti and Petrongolo (2016) focus on long-run trends in female employment, working hours and relative wages for a wide cross-section of developed countries. Their analysis show that half of the variation of working hours across countries and overtime can be explained by the industrial shift towards the service sector.

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Boll and Leppin (2014) carried out a research study on the mismatch of educational status and job requirements for men and women. The authors argue that educational imbalances may arise from gender-specific hidden abilities, from revealed preferences or from mismatches driven by person-external factors. Their study provide potential evidence for this imperfect job-education-adequacy and investigate its relation to the gender gap in earnings.

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In his paper, Kahn (2015) focuses on wage-setting institutions and their effect on the gender pay gap in OECD countries. After a brief discussion about possible effects of wage inequality, statutory minimum wages and collective bargaining coverage on the demand and supply of labor, the author concludes that wage compression narrow the gender pay gap but may also lower the labour market participation of female workers.

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In his paper, Lackner (2016) focuses on gender disparities in the attitudes towards competition when analysing observed gender differences in labor market outcomes. After discussing results from experimental studies on gender differences in competitiveness, he concludes that policy measures to efficiently tackle a gender gap in competitiveness should be addressed at early stages in the life cycle.

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Blau and Kahn (2016) study the development of the gender pay gap in the United States between 1980 and 2010 and survey existing literature on traditional and new explanatory variables. The authors conclude that many of the traditional explanations continue to be valid, except human capital factors, which have become less important over time.

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Grönlund and Magnusson (2016) compare the impact of occupational segregation and workplace skill development on the gender wage gap of employees with low and high education. Comparing data for Germany, Sweden and the UK reveal no evidence of a trade-off between family-friendly policies and women’s wages.

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